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India’s arms sales to Israel: Bad legally, worse ethically—Part 2

Neither law of contracts nor foreign policy is weightier than human rights and humanitarian law

India’s arms sales to Israel: Bad legally, worse ethically—Part 2

Neither law of contracts nor foreign policy is weightier than human rights and humanitarian law

Ravi Nair·September 24, 2024

Part 2 of a four-part deep-dive into the recent case before the Supreme Court of India calling for a halt to arms sale to Israel as it commits genocide against the Palestinians.

Read Part 1 here.

THE recent decision of the Supreme Court of India refusing to call a halt to Indian arms sales is evidence that the court was not apprised of developments in the area of business and human rights both in India and internationally. To fully understand the issues a few paragraphs from the Supreme Court Order bear quoting in their entirety.

Excerpts from the Supreme Court Order

8.

The second aspect of the matter which requires to be noticed is that the petition seeks a cancellation of the existing licences and prohibition on the issuance of new licences for the export of arms and military equipment by Indian companies. Some of these licenses may be governed by contracts with international entities, including within the State of Israel.

The grant of injunctive relief by this court would necessarily implicate a judicial direction for breach of international contracts and agreements. The fallout of such breaches cannot be appropriately assessed by this court and would lay open Indian companies which have firm commitments to proceedings for damages which may affect their own financial viability.” 

9.

Third, the statutory provisions of our law confer sufficient power on the Union government if it decides to act in such cases. For instance, prohibitions can be imposed by the Union of India under the Foreign Trade (Development and Regulation) Act, 1992 as well as under the provisions of the Customs Act, 1962.

Whether in a given case, any such action is warranted is a matter which has to be decided by the Union government bearing in mind economic, geo-political and other interests of the nation in the conduct of international relations.

In taking an appropriate decision, the government bears into account all relevant considerations including the commitments of the nation at the international level.”

Also read: The UNHRC concluding observations do not allow for semantics

10.

The danger in the court taking over this function is precisely that it would be led into issuing injunctive reliefs without a full and comprehensive analysis or backdrop of the likely consequences of any such action. The self-imposed restraint on courts entering into areas of foreign policy is, thus, grounded in sound rationale which has been applied across time.”

Business has human rights responsibilities— domestically and internationally

On July 16, 2018, the UN Human Rights Council’s Open-Ended Intergovernmental Working Group on transnational corporations and other business enterprises with respect to human rights (OEIWG) published its initial zero draft.

One of the draft clauses accepted was Article 3.1 “This (legally binding instrument) shall apply, except as stated otherwise, to all business activities, including particularly but not limited to those of a transnational character.”

An open-ended intergovernmental working group to elaborate on the contents of an international regulatory framework relating to the activities of private military and security companies was set up in September 2017.

An informative discussion document was circulated and discussed. It gives an excellent overview of where the standard-setting process is:

4. Contracting States

  • Determine which military/security services the State may not contract for
  • Establish a private security company and private military company procurement process that incorporates an assessment of a company’s capacity to perform services in conformance with the law, including robust criteria for the selection of the company
  • Incorporate requirements into government contracts to ensure respect for national law, human rights law, and applicable international humanitarian law, including providing relevant guidance
  • Monitor and ensure accountability, including through addressing issues of jurisdiction and immunities, for companies operating under a government contract.”

The 10th session of the OEIWG is to take place in October 2024.

The third revised draft

During the 9th session of the OEIWG, held in October 2023, States debated the third revised draft. The Working Group’s ninth session highlighted significant disagreements between States and failed to produce a new, consolidated text building on the third draft.

Also read: ‘Flag of freedom’ should fly ‘not only for ourselves’: Gaza and India’s constitutional responsibility

One of the draft clauses accepted was Article 3.1 “This (legally binding instrument) shall apply, except as stated otherwise, to all business activities, including particularly but not limited to those of a transnational character.”

The revised draft sought to bring attention to transnational (or cross-border) activities of business enterprises while also applying its substantive provisions to other businesses that do not have cross-border activities.

Another important issue was its coverage of all human rights and all kinds of human rights abuses and violations.

Rights of victims

The provisions on the rights of victims (now draft Article 4) have been streamlined and reorganised, while preserving most of the content of the zero draft. This Article is vital because it tackles many of the procedural barriers to access to justice and remedy and reparation that victims of business human rights abuse face.

Human rights defenders

The revised draft focuses attention on the provisions on human rights defenders in the preamble, but also in the existent draft Article 4:

4.9: State parties shall take adequate and effective measures to guarantee a safe and enabling environment for persons, groups and organisations that promote and defend human rights and the environment, so that they are able to act free from threat, restriction and insecurity.”

And:

4.15: “Take adequate and effective measures to recognise, protect and promote the rights recognised in this (LBI) to persons, groups and organisations that promote and defend human rights and the environment.”

The revised draft sought to bring attention to transnational (or cross-border) activities of business enterprises while also applying its substantive provisions to other businesses that do not have cross-border activities.

These explicit provisions to enhance the protection of human rights defenders working in the field of corporate accountability have been a key demand by several State delegates and civil society observers, and are essential to enable individuals and groups of victims of abuse to pursue strategies in search of justice and redress.

Prevention

The wording of draft Article 5 is a huge improvement. While preserving most of the zero draft content, it adopts the definitions of due diligence vis-à-vis human rights that businesses need to perform, as established in the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs): identification, prevention, mitigation, monitoring and communication.

A step presently missing is the obligation to integrate the assessment findings into the policies and operations of companies.

Also read: India arms exports: A protection of civilians lens is required

It is not clear why details of measures that could be taken within each step of the due diligence process are listed in a separate paragraph (5.3), when those measures could have been listed, illustratively, within each of the steps, unless they are relevant for more than one step.

It is also surprising to see frequent references to businesses’ “contractual relationships” instead of the reference to broader “business relationships” (which include contractual relationships) adopted in the UNGPs. This is an aspect that will probably be corrected during further negotiations.

Legal liability

A major improvement is in the area of legal liability, where some of the zero draft provisions are preserved, but the bulk of the Article, currently draft Article 6 has been substantially redrafted.

In particular, certain provisions which aim at creating a comprehensive system of legal liability for human rights abuses committed by business enterprises or with their participation, have been redrafted.

For instance: “6.1 States parties shall ensure that their domestic law provides for a comprehensive and adequate system of legal liability for human rights violations or abuses in the context of business activities, including those of transnational character.”

This provision potentially encompasses civil, criminal and administrative liability but also the various modalities and models of civil liability, including torts based on negligence, strict liability and other forms of civil liability.

The implementation of this provision and others will necessitate adequate guidance that can be provided, among other sources, by the monitoring body proposed under the treaty.

States parties shall ensure that their domestic law provides for a comprehensive and adequate system of legal liability for human rights violations or abuses in the context of business activities, including those of transnational character.

Article 6.6 posits a standard of legal responsibility of one company in relation to the harm caused by another company, no matter where the latter is located when the former company controls or supervises the activities that caused the harm.

However, the reach of this provision is obscured by the reference to “contractual relationship” between the two companies, which is an unnecessary limitation to the potentially vast array of ways in which companies relate one to the other. This will certainly be addressed in forthcoming negotiations.

Also read: Will the tiny sparks of student protests in India rekindle the flame of India’s historical support for Palestine?

But among all provisions, it is Article 6.7 that stands out for its potential reach and impact in terms of legal responsibility and reparations for victims:

6.7 Subject to their domestic law, State parties shall ensure that their domestic legislation provides for criminal, civil or administrative liability of legal persons for the following offences.

  • War crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide as defined in Articles 6, 7 and 8 of the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court
  • Torture, cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, as defined in Article 1 of the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
  • Enforced disappearance, as defined in Articles 7 and 25 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance
  • Extrajudicial execution, as defined in Principle 1 of the Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions
  • Forced labour as defined in Article 2.1 of the ILO Forced Labour Convention 1930 and Article 1 of the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention 1957
  • The use of child soldiers, as defined in Article 3 of the Convention on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour 1999
  • Forced eviction, as defined in the Basic Principles and Guidelines on Development-based Evictions and Displacement
  • Slavery and slavery-like offences
  • Forced displacement of people
  • Human Trafficking, including sexual exploitation
  • Sexual and gender-based violence.”

Article 6 also requires that domestic law provide legal liability for “acts that constitute attempt, participation or complicity in a criminal offence in accordance with Article 6.7” but controversially keeps the reference to “criminal offences as defined by their domestic law”. This is certain to be discussed further.

Also read: UNHRC’s examination of India’s periodic report after 28 years: Part 8

This Article provides, for the first time, a list of well-defined offences that would trigger legal liability of business enterprises under domestic law. Such liability could be civil, administrative or criminal.

It should be clear that Article 6.7 refers to the legal responsibility of a business for some of the most serious atrocities usually considered as crimes under international law. Many States do not recognise in their legal systems the criminal responsibility of legal persons (business corporations).

India’s National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights

The government of India prepared a draft action plan on the basis of the initial zero draft.

As reported, the National Action Plan reaffirms India’s commitments towards realisation of human rights and the promotion of socially responsible businesses. It provides an overview of India’s legal framework, setting out the State’s duty to protect human rights, the corporate responsibility to respect human rights and access to remedy against business‐related human rights violations.

Explicit provisions to enhance the protection of human rights defenders working in the field of corporate accountability have been a key demand by several State delegates and civil society observers.

The Ministry of Corporate Affairs is steering the process of formulating a National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights (NAP)… 2. The obligation to draft an NAP stems from India’s endorsement of the UNGPs adopted in the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The Principles are articulated as three pillars:

  1. State duty to protect
  2. Corporate responsibility to respect

III. Access to remedy

An NAP needs to be context-specific and address the country’s actual and potential business-related human rights abuse. An NAP needs to be developed in an inclusive and transparent manner. NAP processes need to be regularly reviewed and updated. Currently, about 45 countries, including India, are either drafting or have finalised their NAPs.

Also read: Interview with Adila Hassim, counsel for South Africa versus Israel before the ICJ

Recommendations have been made on some key contents of an NAP. Two of them are:

Section 1: Statements of commitments to implement the UNGPs.

Section 2: Background and context to the NAP. How the NAP relates to other existing government policy strategies such as national development plans, corporate social responsibility strategies, and national plans implementing international labour laws.

Organisation convention and recommendations

The other key contents of an NAP relate to organisation convention and recommendations:

Section 3: Government’s expectations from businesses, including expectations that businesses respect human rights throughout their operations based on UNGPs and other guidance documents.

Section 4: Government response clarifying how the government currently addresses adverse business-related human rights impacts and outlining commitments for further activities.

Section 5: The ministry has been taking various initiatives to ensure responsible business conduct by companies. The National Voluntary Guidelines on Social, Environmental and Economic Responsibilities of Business, 2011 (NVGs) have been revised and released as National Guidelines for Responsible Business Conduct to align with UNGPs and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The committee on Business Responsibility Reporting (BRR) constituted by the ministry to formulate BRR formats for listed and unlisted companies is finalising its report.

War crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide as defined in Articles 6, 7 and 8 of the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court.

Further, a zero draft of the NAP has already been published to showcase the considerable progress made by the country in the field of business and human rights, which has been formulated after placing it in the public domain for inputs, sharing it with relevant ministries for comments, and consultations with relevant stakeholders. All these measures shall culminate in the NAP document.

Domestic accountability for international arms transfers

India is in the dubious company of some European and North American States that have continued to supply arms and armaments to Israel in spite of findings of every United Nations body and other multilateral human rights and humanitarian law body that Israel is the principal violator of every norm not just of law but human decency in Gaza, in the Occupied Territories and now in Lebanon.

Also read: The brutality in Gaza rekindles the horrible memories of women in war

The arms trade is regulated by international law, in particular the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2013 through Resolution 67/234B and which entered into force in 2014.

Domestic jurisdiction

Domestic jurisdiction is presently the principal means of enforcing the ATT as well as other international laws and rules that prevent or prohibit State or corporate actors from contributing to major human rights and humanitarian law violations.

Business responsibility to respect human rights under Pillar II of the UNGPs exists independently of States’ abilities and/or willingness to fulfill their own human rights obligations, inferring that companies therefore need to go beyond what is legally required in the relevant jurisdiction or refrain from engaging in business that would otherwise be permitted under that jurisdiction.

India is in the dubious company of some European and North American States that have continued to supply arms and armaments to Israel.

Business policies and processes in place must be preventive— aimed at preventing human rights violations— not merely defensive— corporate due diligence— aimed at protecting the company itself.

Investor pressures must be built by public campaigns towards ethical supply chains, and robust legislative action and public scrutiny. Failure to address the human rights risks entailed in current business models would increasingly lead to not just reputational and financial risks but also legal risks of complicity in serious international humanitarian law violations.

The lessons of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy and the failure of corporate responsibility and the courts in that case are unfortunately not part of either public or institutional memory. We need to do better.

Read Part 1 here.

Next week— Part 3 of the series

The Israel arms trade: Emerging legal benchmarks

Ravi Nair

The writer is the executive director, South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre.

HRF Monthly, HRF Monthly

India’s arms sales to Israel: Bad legally, worse ethically—Part 1

India’s arms sales to Israel: Bad legally, worse ethically—Part 1

India’s arms sales to Israel: Bad legally, worse ethically—Part 1

Ravi Nair·September 17, 2024

Part 1 of a four-part deep-dive into the recent case before the Supreme Court of India calling for a halt to arms sale to Israel as it commits genocide against the Palestinians.

THE Supreme Court of India’s judgment of September 9, 2024 on refusing to halt arms sales to Israel during the ongoing conflict in Gaza and West Bank is baffling, to say the least.

The court was not the only party that lacked in terms of its focus on the case, as pleadings also needed more substance. The interventions on the part of the Solicitor General of India (SGI) Tushar Mehta only served to reveal how much the State representative was at sea with the subject before the court.

To better understand the dispute, it is important to know the boundaries of extant law and the nuances of soft law and hard law.

Arms transfers to Israel violate international humanitarian law

On February 23, 2024, United Nations (UN) experts stated that “any transfer of weapons or ammunition to Israel that would be used in Gaza is likely to violate international humanitarian law and must cease immediately”.

All States must ‘ensure respect’ for international humanitarian law by parties to an armed conflict, as required by 1949 Geneva Conventions and customary international law,” the experts said.

On February 23, 2024, United Nations (UN) experts stated “any transfer of weapons or ammunition to Israel that would be used in Gaza is likely to violate international humanitarian law and must cease immediately”.

States must accordingly refrain from transferring any weapon or ammunition – or parts for them – if it is expected, given the facts or past patterns of behaviour, that they would be used to violate international law.

Such transfers are prohibited even if the exporting State does not intend the arms to be used in violation of the law— or does not know with certainty that they would be used in such a way— as long as there is a clear risk,” they said.

Also read: ‘Flag of freedom’ should fly ‘not only for ourselves’: Gaza and India’s constitutional responsibility

The duty to “ensure respect” for humanitarian law applies “in all circumstances”, including when Israel claims it is countering terrorism. Military intelligence must also not be shared where there is a clear risk that it would be used to violate international humanitarian law.

International treaties and conventions

Common Article 1 (CA1) of the Geneva Conventions mandates that parties “undertake to respect and to ensure respect for the present Convention in all circumstances.” While a debate persists over the precise scope of the obligation to “respect”, it is widely accepted that it prohibits States’ complicity in international humanitarian law violations, including through arms supply or other means.

For instance, this interpretation is supported by Germany’s position in its International Court of Justice (ICJ) proceedings with Nicaragua. Germany acknowledged that CA1 imposes, at minimum, a duty to conduct “proper risk assessment” before exporting military equipment and arms.

India signed the Geneva Conventions on November 29, 1949. The country was one of the sixty-three States which signed the final Act, incorporating the four Geneva Conventions. They were ratified only 10 years later by India on August 27, 1959.

In a written reply to a parliamentary question, the government of India stated, “The principles embodied in the convention are part of general international law and therefore already part of the common law of India.”

The provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the procedural law (Code of Criminal Procedure) provide effective penalties for persons guilty of such category of crime and take cognisance of the acts which may otherwise be taken to be in the nature of genocide, as culpable offences,” the reply further stated.

India ratified the Genocide Convention on November 9, 1950, and after ratifying it, in 1959 came with an important reservation to Article IX of the convention. The reservation dealt with not accepting the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the event of differences in interpretation of what constituted genocide. It brought no concomitant domestic legislation and has not made the necessary changes in domestic criminal law.

India and Geneva Conventions, 1949

The Geneva Conventions lay down the rules of war, a part of these conventions include the Geneva Conventions Act of 1960, which India ratified in 1959. In spite of having ratified the Geneva Conventions then, it took rather long for India to transpose them into its domestic law.

Also read: India arms exports: A protection of civilians lens is required

However, the Act contained a hobbling provision (Section 17) which stated, “No court shall take cognisance of any offence under this Act except on complaint by the government or of such officer of the government as the Central government may by notification specify.

The duty to “ensure respect” for humanitarian law applies “in all circumstances”, including when Israel claims it is countering terrorism.

This was not mentioned by the Supreme Court for dismissal of the said petition and, evidently, it was not brought to the notice of the court by the SGI. One plausible reason is that the government of India would be saved from the embarrassment that it had yet to gazette the Rules to give effect to the 1960 Act till date, only 64 years later!

Responsibility of States for internationally wrongful acts

Furthermore, CA1 aligns with Article 16 of the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, 2001, establishing a responsibility for all States to refrain from supplying military equipment and arms that are likely to be used in, or facilitate, serious violations of international humanitarian law or international human rights law.

India, as a State party to the four Geneva Conventions, is bound by their provisions. Moreover, these conventions’ norms are recognised as customary international law and jus cogens. Similarly, Article 16 of the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, 2001 is considered a codification of customary law. Thus, India, according to Article 51 of its Constitution, is required to abide by its international obligations.

The Supreme chose to ignore universal jurisdiction

State officials involved in arms exports may be individually criminally liable for aiding and abetting any war crimes, crimes against humanity or acts of genocide,” the experts said.

All States under the principle of universal jurisdiction, and the International Criminal Court, may be able to investigate and prosecute such crimes,” they added.

The Indian government in abdication of its international duties

The United Nations experts stressed that the duty to “ensure respect” additionally requires all States to do everything reasonably in their power to prevent and stop violations of international humanitarian law by Israel, particularly where a State has influence through its political, military, economic or other relations.

Also read: Will the tiny sparks of student protests in India rekindle the flame of India’s historical support for Palestine?

These measures could include:

Diplomatic dialogue and protests;

– Technical assistance to promote compliance and accountability;

– Sanctions on trade, finance, travel, technology or cooperation;

– Referral to the Security Council and the General Assembly;

– Proceedings at the International Court of Justice;

– Support for investigations by the International Criminal Court or other international legal mechanisms;

– National criminal investigations using universal jurisdiction and civil suits; and

– Requesting a meeting of the parties to the Geneva Conventions.”

Most of these measures are also relevant to fulfilling the duty to prevent genocide.

No exemption for Indian arms companies

Arms companies contributing to the production and transfer of arms to Israel and businesses investing in those companies bear their own responsibility to respect human rights, international humanitarian law and international criminal law.

They have not publicly demonstrated the heightened human rights due diligence required of them and accordingly risk complicity in violations,” the experts said.

The government of India is yet to gazette the Rules to give effect to the 1960 Act to date, only 64 years later!

International law does not enforce itself,” the experts said. “All States must not be complicit in international crimes through arms transfers. They must do their part to urgently end the unrelenting humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza.”

The Arms Trade Treaty, which came into force on December 24, 2014, established the first comprehensive international legal framework governing the export of military equipment and arms. India, however, has neither signed nor showcased any intention to do so, having abstained during its adoption vote.

Also read: The brutality in Gaza rekindles the horrible memories of women in war

India’s position stems from concerns that the treaty’s framework is overly restrictive for imports related to national security, arguing that such strategic considerations should remain within the purview of individual States. The argumentation is weak but a refutation of the Indian position will be provided in this series later.

Article 6 of the treaty outlines three key prohibitions on arms exports: (i) if it violates United Nations Security Council measures under Chapter VII of the Charter, particularly arms embargoes, (ii) if it contravenes relevant international obligations of international agreements of the involved parties, and (iii) if it is potentially used for grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions or in the commission of other serious international crimes.

Notably, such obligations hinge on the exporting State’s ‘knowledge’ that the arms could be used for future international law violations, making the export itself unlawful.

This differs from Article 16-based complicity, which only deems arms exports unlawful if they facilitate the actual commission of international humanitarian law breaches.

In this regard, States have acknowledged this difference, interpreting ‘knowledge’ to mean that a transfer should not be authorised if there are substantial grounds to believe that the arms would be used unlawfully in the future.

Therefore, this interpretation broadens State obligations, requiring more comprehensive risk assessments and investigations to prevent the mere possibility of international humanitarian law and international human rights law violations.

As the situation in Palestine continues to worsen, numerous institutions have comprehensively documented war crimes and other violations of international humanitarian law being committed by the parties involved in the conflict.

Given these circumstances, the knowledge threshold for such obligations has likely been met. This creates corresponding duties for States to take immediate action.

Also read: ICJ ruling in South Africa versus Israel: An explainer

At a minimum, States should temporarily suspend all arms exports to the region and simultaneously conduct thorough investigations into the use of their previously exported arms in this conflict.

All States under the principle of universal jurisdiction, and the International Criminal Court, may be able to investigate and prosecute such crimes.

Additionally, information surrounding military equipment and arms export licences is shrouded in mystery, with very little publicly available data. In India, the Department of Defence Production usually authorises such export licences as they fall under Category 6 of the Special Chemicals, Organisms, Materials, Equipment and Technologies (SCOMET) list.

However, if the goods are dual-use, they fall under the jurisdiction of the Directorate General of Foreign Trade (DGFT) for proper authorisation. The SCOMET licence applications that are publicly available do not list specific details of the goods being sought for approval, for security concerns.

Nonetheless, the Inter-Ministerial Working Group under the DGFT is responsible for adjudicating such applications for SCOMET licences, relying on six grounds outlined in Rule 10.06 (I) of the Procedure Handbook.

These grounds include obligations under general international law as well as specific agreements, such as the Wassenaar Arrangement. Given the possibility of serious international crimes and international humanitarian law/ international human rights law violations taking place in the Gaza conflict, it is unlikely that these criteria are being met for proper export authorisations.

Wassenaar arrangement

The Wassenaar Arrangement, established on July 12, 1996, is a voluntary export control regime aimed at “promoting transparency and greater responsibility in transfers of conventional arms and dual-use goods and technologies”.

India is a participating State in the Wassenaar Arrangement and regularly contributes to the development of guidelines and procedures.

Accordingly, its obligations are not legally binding. Regardless, India is a participating State, regularly contributing to the development of guidelines and procedures.

At its core, the arrangement requires States to submit reports on their arms transfers, participate in voluntary information exchanges and notify other State parties on their export activities.

Also read: Interview with Adila Hassim, counsel for South Africa versus Israel before the ICJ

It involves two lists:

(i) Munitions List which requires States to exchange information on deliveries of conventional arms to non-Wassenaar members that fall under eight broad weapon categories: battle tanks, armoured combat vehicles, large-calibre artillery, military aircraft/unmanned aerial vehicles, military and attack helicopters, warships, missiles or missile systems, and small arms and light weapons.

(ii) Dual-Use Goods and Technologies List which requires States to submit information on export licences that were denied within mandated timelines depending on the sensitivity of the items. These lists form the foundation of the agreement’s information-sharing mechanisms.

In addition to the required information exchanges, State parties have adopted non-binding criteria for the export of small arms and light weapons, and other military equipment, aiming to incorporate these best practices into their national laws.

States have acknowledged this difference, interpreting ‘knowledge’ to mean that a transfer should not be authorised if there are substantial grounds to believe that the arms would be used unlawfully in the future.

For instance, Article 2 of the Best Practice Guidelines for Exports of Small Arms and Light Weapons (2022) outlines scenarios in which States should avoid issuing export licences.

These scenarios include potential threats to “compliance with international law governing the conduct of armed conflict” and the risk of such arms being used to “violate or suppress human rights and fundamental freedoms”.

Similar guidelines exist for all conventional weapons and dual-use goods intended for military use. However, these guidelines are advisory and non-binding for States. 

Next week: Law of contracts weightier than humanitarian law

Ravi Nair

The writer is the executive director, South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre.

HRF Monthly, HRF Monthly

Abdul Ghafoor Noorani— In memoriam

Abdul Ghafoor Noorani— In memoriam

Ravi Nair·August 30, 2024

A.G. Noorani was an observant Muslim, he had not an iota of sectarianism in him. He was a great Indian and a greater human being, writes Ravi Nair in this personal note.

IT is not easy writing about A.G. Noorani who passed away on August 29, 2024. The obituaries in the media have been fulsome in praise and rightly so.

I had started reading his articles in late 1977. I found them most educative as I thirsted for information on human rights issues. Most of the articles then appearing in the print media were mainly anecdotal, Noorani was one of the few who wrote substantively with a deep grasp of both domestic law in India and international human rights law.

At some point in 1981, I had gone to Bombay to see a lawyer associated with the then-Indian chapter of Amnesty International. He had asked me to meet him in the high court Bar library. As we were leaving the library, he pointed to a gentleman reading a book in a corner and whispered to me, “That is A.G. Noorani.”

HRF Monthly, HRF Monthly

the-unhrc-concluding-observations-do-not-allow-for-semantics/

The UNHRC concluding observations do not allow for semantics

Ravi Nair·August 22, 2024

The concluding part of the analysis of the audit of India’s human rights report after 28 years by the United Nations Human Rights Council. 

Read Part 1 here.

RECENTLY, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) did an audit of India’s human rights report after twenty-eight years.

HRF Monthly, HRF Monthly

Much cause for introspection: Independence Day musings

The concluding observations of the UN Human Rights Committee on India

Much cause for introspection: Independence Day musings

The concluding observations of the UN Human Rights Committee on India

RAVI NAIR·AUGUST 15, 2024

On India’s Independence Day, this analysis of the audit of India’s human rights report after 28 years makes for a sad reading.

India celebrates the 78th anniversary of its Independence from colonial yoke. A recent United Nations audit of the human rights situation in the country, however, tells a sad tale. 

Twenty-eight years after the last audit of India’s human rights report by the United Nations makes for a sad reading.

HRF Monthly

UNHRC’s examination of India’s periodic report after 28 years: Part 8

Freedom of association, information and against corruption

The eighth and final article in the series related to the fourth periodic report submitted by India under Article 40 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) examines freedom of association, information and against corruption. 

Read Part 1 here.

Read Part 2 here.

Read Part 3 here.

Read Part 4 here.

Read Part 5 here.

Read Part 6 here.

Read Part 7 here.

THE flagship of the United Nations treaty body system will be examining India’s fourth periodic report in all probability on July 15 and 16, 2024. The Human Rights Committee (HRC) is the treaty body tasked to monitor compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

This article takes a deep dive into the government of India’s claims on freedom of association and the right to freedom of information and impunity and corruption and pits them against the reality.

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